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After winning the last presidential election, monitors say the crisis
currently rocking the All Progressives Congress (APC) was expected given
its popular tag as a “marriage of strange bedfellows”. EDEGBE
ODEMWINGIE reports that the crisis is fueled by a supremacy battle among
three political power blocs struggling to shape the workings of the
present administration vis-à-vis political posturing towards 2019
The defeats suffered by the ‘anointed’ candidates of the ruling All
Progressives Congress (APC) in the June 9 National Assembly elections
highlighted the major cracks in the political party coalition that
brought President Muhammadu Buhari to power last month.
Despite APC
holding majority seats in the Senate and House of Representatives,
candidates backed by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)
managed to get elected.
“This party is a
coalition of several other parties. So, these little squabbles must
always be there. But the overriding interest of the people is what we
are pursuing and the people who have agreed to be one, they have no
choice but to be one,” a member of the APC Board of Trustees, Chief Sam
Nkire said on the party’s crisis.
In spite of these comforting words from Nkire, the APC crisis is worsening and the party is increasingly polarised.
As it stands,
the struggle for power within the party is being fought by three
political power blocs: the Buhari/defunct Congress for Progressive
Change (CPC) caucus; Bola Tinubu/defunct Action Congress of Nigeria
(ACN)/South West caucus and the Atiku Abubakar/Bukola Saraki/nPDP
caucus. Another school define the political tussle as a straight fight
between the party’s northern elements/nPDP against South West interests
led by APC’s National Leader, Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Meanwhile, the
tussle is not unconnected to the different political power blocs
posturing towards the 2019 elections. Even though President Buhari has
not publicly declared that he will not seek re-election in 2019,
political alignment by at least the Atiku Abubakar/Bukola Saraki/nPDP
caucus has been reported.
At the APC
presidential primaries held in Lagos, Tinubu backed President Muhammadu
Buhari over Atiku to emerge flagbearer. Tinubu had also single-handedly
picked now vice-president, Yemi Osinbajo as Buhari’s running mate.
Recall that
Atiku came third in the APC presidential primaries after the former Kano
state governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso clinched the second highest number of
votes. However, the John Odigie-Oyegun-led APC got signed commitments
from all the party’s presidential aspirants to work for the winner of
the presidential primaries, despite the outcome of the result.
After the
presidential election, Atiku forged a new alliance with other power
blocs within the APC – G5 governors; immediate past Speaker, Aminu
Waziri Tambuwal and other politicians that decamped from PDP to APC in
2013 to present a parallel power arrangement within the party.
The politicians
had a common adversary – Tinubu. They plotted to cut him to size and
they did. The newly formed political bloc decided to throw up Bukola
Saraki as Senate President and Yakubu Dogara as House of Representatives
Speaker to thwart Tinubu’s inroad to the National Assembly. Atiku’s
bloc has taken Saraki and Dogara’s emergence as its own share in the APC
2015 election victory.
Party insiders
report that Atiku and his loyalists are working to check Tinubu’s grip
on the party’s National Working Committee (NWC), as presently
constituted.
Atiku’s camp has
not stopped there. Last week, the new leaderships of the Senate and
House of Representatives rejected APC’s National Working Committee (NWC)
approved list of principal officers which included candidates backed by
Tinubu, viz: Ahmed Lawan and Femi Gbajabiamila. Recall that Lawan and
Gbajabiamila failed in their respective bids to emerge Senate President
and House of Representatives Speaker, respectively.
Despite protests
by some members of the Senate APC caucus, Senate President, Bukola
Saraki refused to rely on the APC NWC list but opted for nominations
brought by Senate zonal caucuses to appoint principal officers.
In the House of
Representatives, the violent scenes that played out in the chamber last
week Thursday over the selection of principal officers startled
Nigerians including a group of secondary school students on excursion to
the National Assembly at the time of the commotion.
On Thursday,
proceedings in the House of Representatives turned rowdy and almost
bloody after an attempt by a lawmaker from Sokoto State, Abdullahi
Balarabe Salame, to snatch the Mace – the symbol of authority- threw the
House into a free-for-all fight.
The constitution
of the House APC caucus principal officers was deadlocked following the
fracas. A fresh attempt to constitute the principal officers will be
when the National Assembly reconvenes on July 21.
There were early
signs prelude to Thursday’s fracas. Reports filtered in early last week
that the APC House caucus had broken into factions over the choice of
candidates to fill four vacant principal officers positions in the newly
inaugurated 8th House.
It was learnt that the two APC House factions communicated to the party’s leadership on how the positions should be shared.
One faction
loyal to the House Speaker, Yakubu Dogara insisted that the principle of
federal character as enshrined in the constitution must be adhered to
in appointing the four vacant positions.
By this
position, the North East and South West have been settled with the
Speakership and Deputy Speakership positions respectively.
The other
faction “Loyalists Group” loyal to the former Minority Leader and
Speakership candidate in the June 9 House elections, Femi Gbajabiamila
(Lagos/APC) insisted that the principal officers must emerge on the
basis of popularity within the House APC caucus.
According to the
1999 Constitution (as amended) and the Standing Orders of the Senate
and House of Representatives, the political party with majority seats
(APC) produces the House Leader, Deputy House Leader, Majority Whip,
Deputy Chief Whip.
Zoning debacle
Since the
presidential election, the APC on the directive of its National
Chairman, John Odigie-Oyegun announced that the party would zone vacant
political positions. Led by the former chairman of the defunct ACN, Bisi
Akande, other Tinubu supporters including the party’s NWC, Oyegun’s
zoning directive was overruled. The party conducted a contentious mock
election to “select” its candidates for Senate President and House
Speaker. The candidates lost.
Again, when the
issues of National Assembly principal officers came up, Oyegun
reiterated his call for zoning. The APC chairman’s call fell on deaf
ears. Backed by the party’s NWC, some APC governors led by Adams
Oshiomhole of Edo state brought seperate letters containing the party’s
list of principal officers in the Senate and House of Representatives.
Again, Oyegun, it was gathered, was forced to sign the letter when the
team insisted that it was the decision of the party.
On Wednesday,
the APC North Central and South East House caucuses rejected the party’s
nominees to occupy the four vacant principal officers positions.
The zonal
caucuses which were excluded from the APC nominations, insisted that the
principle of federal character as enshrined in the constitution must be
adhered to in occupying the four vacant positions.
Monitors say the
party leadership’s inability to rise above personal interest which has
been characterised by imposition of candidates and weak internal party
democracy has triggered the costly divisions the party grapples with
lately.
A member of the
APC in Kogi State, Oyisi Okatahi traced the party’s problem to the fact
that it was built on faulty foundations and selfish interests.
His words: “What
is happening to APC is a result of building a party on faulty
foundations. There is no perfect society or party but parties that have
stood the test of time are built on core values. For APC, this is not
the case, rather it is “the survival of the fittest”, because many
decisions are based on the interest of the day and not on any core value
or principle.”
Oyegun has now
assumed the role of the fallen guy. He has been blamed for the recent
political misfortunes in the APC, leading some governors and party
faithful to call for his sack. The Tinubu camp accused Oyegun of not
doing enough while the Atiku/Saraki camp accused Oyegun of acting
Tinubu’s script. President Buhari has repeatedly said he would not be
drawn into the political face-off typified by the National Assembly
leadership tussle between the power blocs within the party.
Also, not a few
political analysts are of the view that the call for Oyegun’s
resignation is uncalled for, premature and diversionary.
“Honestly APC is
going the politically wayward ways that led to the ouster of PDP from
power. Must the chairman of the party be sacked anytime there are
challenges within the party? How will such actions resolve the crisis?
Oyegun is about the best the party can have for now as his track records
of public service is outstanding. He is a seasoned technocrat;
progressive politician and knowledgeable administrator," an APC stalwart
stated.
Political drawbacks
Although Buhari
has maintained his neutrality in the APC crisis and expressed readiness
to work with Saraki and Dogara, it may not be a given. Since 1999,
Nigeria’s attempt at constitutional, electoral, anti-corruption,
judicial, health, power, federal structure, security and oil and gas
reforms have suffered, largely due to political drawbacks.
President
Muhammadu Buhari’s proposed reforms in governance, economy and security
sectors will require legislative approval from the newly inaugurated 8th
National Assembly which is led by Buhari’s political party but backed
by the opposition, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Monitors say having opponents in powerful positions in the legislature will not make Buhari’s job any easier.
For now, most
Nigerians are watching with keen interest if APC will fritter such
historic opportunity or deliver on its promise of change.
Written by Edegbe Odemwingie for Leadership
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